Glossary

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Otto Ambros (1901–1990)

Otto Ambros. Photo from the National Archives, Collection of World War II Crimes Records of the I.G. Farben Trial in Nuremberg'© National Archives, Washington, DC
Otto Ambros. Photo from the National Archives, Collection of World War II Crimes Records of the I.G. Farben Trial in Nuremberg
© National Archives, Washington, DC

 a  “Most of us thought that the inmates who came to Monowitz were spared all that which happened to them in the Concentration Camp Auschwitz.”

(Otto Ambros, affidavit, April 29, 1947, NI-9542. Archive of the Fritz Bauer Institute, Subsequent Nuremberg Trials, Case VI, PDB 75 (e), pp. 1–18.)
 
 b  “Walther DUERRFELD and Chief Engineer FAUST had told me in the summer of 1941 that the inmates were mistreated by the Kapos. I knew that the majority of the Kapos were criminals […] After the first year a mistreatment of the inmates occurred hardly any more, thanks to the I.G.”
(Otto Ambros, affidavit, April 29, 1947, NI-9542. Archive of the Fritz Bauer Institute, Subsequent Nuremberg Trials, Case VI, PDB 75 (e), pp. 1–18.)
 
 c  “By setting up Monowitz the I.G. wanted to improve conditions for the inmates; in that manner they no longer had to cope with the extensive marches and/or transport to and from work, amounting to approximately 14 kilometers every day. The working efficiency of the inmates could also be increased thereby. It was also desired to put a greater distance between them and the Concentration Camp Auschwitz. Furthermore typhus had occurred in the Concentration Camp Auschwitz in 1942, and the I.G. wanted to eliminate the danger of contagion. The creation of Monowitz had been suggested to me and Heinrich BUETEFISCH by Walther DUERRFELD and/or Chief Engineer FAUST while we were in Auschwitz in 1942. We agreed. The rest of the negotiations were conducted by Walther DUERRFELD and/or Chief Engineer FAUST with the management of the Concentration Camp Auschwitz. There was no stinting when Monowitz was built; it was heated and hygienic. There were sick wards for sick persons in the amount of 10% of the camp population. There was also a room for performing operations. Walther DUERRFELD told me that there was more than an abundance of space to house sick people.”
(Otto Ambros, affidavit, April 29, 1947, NI-9542. Archive of the Fritz Bauer Institute, Subsequent Nuremberg Trials, Case VI, PDB 75 (e), pp. 1–18.)
 
 d  “The set-up of a concentration camp is something horrible. It is a torture for the inmates. One always felt hesitant, so to say, to speak about it. The other Vorstand members and I knew that apart from criminals one also held there people from all walks of life, people who were persecuted for political, racial and religious reasons. A former menber of the I.G. Aufsichtsrat, Herr VON WEINBERG, lost his life in a concentration camp merely because he was a Jew. I know that the state of health of the inmates was not at all good in 1942. In order to help them we introduced a soup (Buna soup), which was served to them at noontime.”
(Otto Ambros, affidavit, April 29, 1947, NI-9542. Archive of the Fritz Bauer Institute, Subsequent Nuremberg Trials, Case VI, PDB 75 (e), pp. 1–18.)
 
 e  “Let no one forget in what poverty the entire German people lived in the last years of the war. How should it then be possible, when building a new plant, to configure the living conditions in the way expected by citizens of countries that have never gone through such a shortage. If I.G. Farben nonetheless succeeded in getting, for the 30,000-strong workforce in Auschwitz, housing and food with a caloric content that for the prisoners too was higher than that now available to the German people, then I believe that I.G. Farben and its officials deserve not a reproach, but due recognition.”
(Otto Ambros: “Gedanken zu meiner Verurteilung durch das Nürnberger Gericht am 29./30. Juli 1948. Im Oktober 1948.” Unpublished manuscript, 39 pages. BASF-Archive, Nürnberg I, private file of Dr. Heintzeler, p. 28. (Transl. KL))

“I saw no charge that could be brought against me as an individual. It was the questioning by the Office of the Public Prosecutor that first pointed toward the matter of I.G. Farben’s Auschwitz plant, though initially I had no idea wherein my crime could lie.”[1]

 

Otto Ambros was born on May 19, 1901, in Weiden in the Upper Palatinate region. He joined a Freikorps (private paramilitary group) and served as a “temporary volunteer,” helping to suppress the revolutionary uprisings in Munich in 1919, in the Ruhr in 1920, and in Upper Silesia in 1921, supporting the German nationalists in the “Storming of the Annaberg” in opposition to the area’s incorporation into Poland. In 1920 he had begun studying chemistry and agronomy in Munich, where he worked under Nobel Prize winner Richard Willstätter and was awarded a Ph.D. in 1925. One year later, he started work in the Ammonia Laboratory of the BASF plant in Oppau. In 1930, he took a one-year study trip to the Far East. He was quickly promoted within the company, and in 1935 he managed the construction work for the first Buna plant in Schkopau.

 

On May 1, 1937, he joined the NSDAP (member number 6099289). In 1938, he was appointed to the management board of I.G. Farben, as a full member. In 1940, he became an adviser to the Department for Research and Development of the Four Year Plan, under I.G. Farben supervisory board chairman Carl Krauch: Ambros, the I.G.’s expert on poison gas and Buna, worked as a “military economy leader” (Wehrwirtschaftsführer) in the Chemical Weapons Section. In mid-May 1943, in a personal presentation at the Führer’s headquarters, he explained to Hitler the effect of the new German nerve gases tabun and sarin. The following year, he became managing director (plant manager) of Buna-Werk IV and of the fuel production facility in Auschwitz. Between 1941 and 1944, he visited the I.G. Auschwitz construction site a total of 18 times. Ambros was an active advocate of the use of concentration camp prisoners at the construction site, and on April 12, 1941, he wrote to an I.G. Farben director, Fritz ter Meer: “On the occasion of a dinner given for us by the management of the concentration camp, we furthermore determined all the arrangements relating to the involvement of the really excellent concentration-camp operation in support of the Buna plants.”[2] From his point of view, the Buna/Monowitz concentration camp represented a piece of luck for the prisoners.  a   b   c   d  Otto Ambros was awarded the War Merit Cross (Kriegsverdienstkreuz) 1st and 2nd Class and the Knight’s Cross of the War Merit Cross (Ritterkreuz des Kriegsverdienstkreuzes).

 

In 1946, he was arrested by the U.S. Army, but for the time being was allowed to continue working for BASF in Ludwigshafen, in the French occupation zone. He was not delivered to justice until shortly before the I.G. Farben Trial in Nuremberg began. Ambros was found guilty of “enslavement” and “mass murder” in 1948 and sentenced to a prison term of eight years. He viewed the conviction as wrongful.  e 

 

Released in 1951, by 1954 Ambros already held seats on numerous supervisory boards, including those of Chemie Grünenthal (where he was active during the Contergan scandal of 1961/1962), Feldmühle, and Telefunken. He worked as an economic consultant in Mannheim, and among the clients he advised were Federal Chancellor Adenauer and the industrial magnate Friedrich Flick. After his death in 1990, BASF paid tribute to him in an obituary as “[a]n expressive entrepreneurial figure of great charisma.”[3]

(SP; transl. KL)



Sources

Otto Ambros, letter to ter Meer and Struss, April 12, 1941, NI-11118. Archive of the Fritz Bauer Institute, Subsequent Nuremberg Trials, Case VI.

Otto Ambros, affidavit, April 29, 1947, NI-9542. Archive of the Fritz Bauer Institute, Subsequent Nuremberg Trials, Case VI, PDB 75 (e), pp. 1–18.

Ambros, Otto: “Gedanken zu meiner Verurteilung durch das Nürnberger Gericht am 29./30. Juli 1948. Im Oktober 1948.” Unpublished manuscript, 39 pages. BASF-Archive, Nürnberg I, private file of Dr. Heintzeler.

 

Literature

Dubois, Josiah E.: The Devil’s Chemists. Boston: Beacon Press, 1952.

Heine, Jens Ulrich: Verstand & Schicksal. Die Männer der I.G. Farbenindustrie A.G. Weinheim: VCH Verlagsgesellschaft, 1990.

Klee, Ernst: Das Personenlexikon zum Dritten Reich. Wer war was vor und nach 1945. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 2003.

Schmaltz, Florian: Kampfstoff-Forschung im Nationalsozialismus. Zur Kooperation von Kaiser-Wilhelm-Instituten, Militär und Industrie. Göttingen: Wallstein, 2005.

Weiß, Hermann, ed.: Biographisches Lexikon zum Dritten Reich. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1998.

[1] Otto Ambros: “Gedanken zu meiner Verurteilung durch das Nürnberger Gericht am 29./30. Juli 1948. Im Oktober 1948” (unpublished manuscript), 39 pages. BASF-Archive, Nürnberg I, Privatakte Dr. Heintzeler, p. 2. (Translated by KL)

[2] Otto Ambros, letter to ter Meer and Struss, April 12, 1941, NI-11118. Archive of the Fritz Bauer Institute, Subsequent Nuremberg Trials, Case VI. (Translated by KL)

[3] Cited by Ernst Klee: Das Personenlexikon zum Dritten Reich. Wer war was vor und nach 1945 (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 2003), p. 15. (Translated by KL)